What was somalia like before the war

It was the first time for someone like myself, who grew up in the city, to see war. We thought we would win and we were winning - for a time - until the turning point. The refugees who came from the Ogaden changed everything. I want to pass my congratulations to all Somalis wherever they are.

I was at that time studying at secondary school and we all ran away from school and trekked to Hargeisa just to see the colonial flag pulled down and to watch the Somali flag rise.

I was there and singing songs. Everybody was so happy. We were shouting two words: Independence and unity. Five days after northern Somalia was granted independence, the south and Mogadishu got their independence and we were united. But then I remember everybody was trying to unify Somalia - the territory that was given to Ethiopia by the British: We call it western Somalia.

They call it the Ogaden. We were all speaking together as one country but of course now it is not like that. But no-one could ever imagine that it would become as bad as it has. At independence everyone was hoping for something good - to get rid of colonialism and then to find freedom. But unfortunately of our ministers of parliament, only three had degrees - one from Britain and two from Italy.

There was no experience of how to run a state. So after the colonials left, corruption came and then the military took over to rectify the mistakes of the civilian government. During the first seven or eight years of military rule, there was continuous development.

Life was good. But once we fought with Ethiopia, the regime became one of nepotism and corruption became rampant. Clan-based origins took over every part of life - employment, promotions, social opportunities, health, education and so there was chaos.

We came through clanism, and warlordism and now we have extremism. This is what we are going through now but it is getting weaker.

Religiously we are all Muslims and the same sect: Sunnis. This is what will hold people together. We have the same religion, language and culture. It was called the most beautiful city of Africa when I first moved there in It was the safest and the cleanest.

We had the most beautiful beaches. Meanwhile, the steep economic price of the fight — exacerbated by the loss of Soviet-backed infrastructure development and trade, along with a wave of inbound migration from the Ogaden region — turned public sentiment against the government. Opposition groups formed against Barre in the s, several of which established armed wings.

Barre's attention turned to weakening potential threats to his rule, such as the Isaaq clan, one of Somalia's four dominant clans that had been excluded from positions in Barre's administration.

The government sought to cut off sources of income for the Isaaq, including the profitable khat trade. This, along with Barre's decision to settle Ogaden refugees on Isaaq land, eventually prompted the Isaaq-led Somali National Movement to rise up against him.

In , Barre ordered the bombardment of the three main cities inhabited by the Isaaq — Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao — with aircraft and artillery, sending shockwaves through Somalia and deepening the rifts that still plague the country today.

Barre fled Mogadishu in , but he left behind a country divided among allegiances to various warlords. There were no institutions left to regain control and initiate the reconstruction of the Somali state, and conflict engulfed the country. This, in combination with a deep famine — partially influenced by regional droughts but exacerbated by the lack of any existing economy and infrastructure — led to a massive humanitarian crisis in the early s.

The Somali civil war evolved from a warlord- and clan-based conflict to a jihadist battleground, draining the country of human capital and preventing institutions from being rebuilt. International efforts to stabilize the country and erect some semblance of a functional state are ongoing. For example, the United Nations is trying to shepherd Somalia through elections in hopes of paving the way for a new era of political maturity. The early years of the Somali state proved that Somalia can function under centralized governance, after all, even if heavy external support is required.

Meanwhile, the African Union, the United States and Turkey, among others, are attempting to prepare the Somali military for the eventual departure of peacekeepers. Despite these efforts, regional players such as Ethiopia and Kenya have only limited interest in seeing Somalia stabilize.

Though they are happy to help stop the spread of Islamist violence emanating from within the country, a strong and independent Somali state would risk the revival of Mogadishu's age-old ambition of uniting Greater Somalia.

Moreover, the damage done to Somali society has been severe, and rebuilding modern institutions on a fractured foundation will continue to pose immense challenges. To this day, Somali factions and interest groups vie for power, continually expanding and complicating the internal conflict beyond the fight against jihadist militants. In September, for instance, an intense battle erupted between troops loyal to the autonomous region of Galmudug and those of the autonomous region of Puntland for control over the city of Galkayo.

Divisions run deep in Somalia, and it will take strong political institutions and a viable security infrastructure to channel them into political expression rather than violence. This account already exists, you can try logging on with this email. You may unsubscribe at anytime. Having trouble signing in? Contact Customer Service. Already a subscriber and need help getting access? Special limited time offer to qualified returning subscribers.

Profile Notifications Sign Out. Forecast Highlights Divisions that took root in Somalia after the drastic defeat of its once-strong government will continue to impede efforts to rebuild the country's institutions.

Somalia will remain dependent on foreign support, much as it was before the Somali state collapsed. Should a functional, unified Somalia ever emerge, it would spur greater competition in the region. The Geographic Roots of Instability The origins of Somalia's state failure are rooted in the artificiality of its design, which left the ethnic Somali population riven by borders when the country took shape in the early years of the Cold War.

The Slow Destruction of the Somali State By March , the Somali military was forced to pull back across the border, effectively ending the war. Barriers Remain International efforts to stabilize the country and erect some semblance of a functional state are ongoing. Keep Reading: Create an account to get 3 free articles.

Ethiopian, Somali and Islamist forces were accused of war crimes by Human Rights Watch, which claimed the UN security council was indifferent to the issue. In June, the government and the opposition Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia signed a three-month ceasefire pact.

This was rejected by Islamist leader Hassan Dahir Aweys, who wanted all foreign troops out first. In April , the EU appealed for more help from the international community to deal with the piracy problem along the coast. In September, the US and other countries sent navy ships to Somalia after a Ukrainian ship was seized by pirates.

In October, Nato agreed to send a naval force to the region by the end of the year. In April the following year, French commandos carried out a sea rescue of a French family held hostage for a week by Somali pirates. One hostage was killed during the operation. They were eventually freed in November In December, Ethiopia said it would withdraw its troops, which it did the following month. President Yusuf resigned after his prime minister, whom he had tried to sack for attempting to bring moderate Islamists into the government, received a vote of confidence.

Government and African Union peacekeepers continued to be attacked by Islamist insurgents, who deployed suicide bombers. In February , al-Shabaab made a formal declaration of its alliance with al-Qaida. By , 3. As October-December rains failed, concerns about the potential for major food insecurities in Somalia began to surface.

The UN and aid agencies warned they were seeing more cases of malnutrition in parts of the country as a result of the drought. In February , the Somalia parliament voted to extend its term for three years. In July , the UN declared famine in south Somalia and al-Shabaab allowed foreign aid agencies access to some areas. In August, al-Shabaab retreated from Mogadishu. In October, following attacks by suspected al-Shabaab insurgents in Kenyan resorts, Kenyan troops entered Somalia. More than people were killed in a Mogadishu suicide bomb attack.

The following month, al-Shabaab militants who control areas of south and central Somalia announced they were banning 16 aid agencies from the region. These areas were hardest hit by the famine.

A month later, al-Shabaab officially merged with al-Qaida. The UN declared an end to the famine in Somalia, but warned the country would need continued humanitarian support if the 'fragile' gains were not to be lost.